“The other circumstance for unwanted behaviour was while they were working in their first part-time job as a teenager, with adult male customers making sexual or otherwise inappropriate comments to them while they were working. A young girl working her first job probably isn’t going to feel able to challenge this behaviour or speak to someone about it.”

Ms McFalone also carried out interviews with affected women. One told her she was 13 years old when she first was “cat-called in a school uniform” by “fully grown men.” Another said: “I worked for a pizza place as my first job – surprisingly the worst sort of male attention I got, which was borderline illegal, was when I was 15.”

“Through her work, Jackie has foregrounded disability inclusion, ensuring that disabled staff and students have a voice in shaping a more inclusive culture,” said Vicki Baars, Head of Culture Transformation at Culture Shift. “She truly leads by example and lives the principle of ‘Nothing about us without us’ -  her work remains a vital force for creating lasting change at the university.”

The Summit reinforced that tackling the inequalities that shape how we age, linked to place, gender, class, race, disability and migration, must be central to age-friendly work. MUARG's ongoing work is crucial in driving research and collaboration to improve the experience of ageing and to build fairer, more inclusive and connected cities for all. 

Learn more about the Manchester Urban Ageing ����Ӱ�� Group’s work in building an age-friendly future by .

Also named as a Fellow is Professor Toni Haastrup, a leading expert in feminist international studies. Her work has explored contemporary Africa-EU relations, feminist foreign policy and the Women, Peace and Security agenda. With over 80 published works, her work seeks to bridge theory and practice, which has led to collaborations with UN agencies and EU institutions. Passionate about inclusion in the sector, Toni is currently chair of the . Her contribution to feminist knowledge in Europe was recognised with an Emma Goldman Award in 2022. She is also a mid-career fellow of the Independent Social ����Ӱ�� Foundation.

“I am deeply honoured to be recognised by the Academy of Social Sciences,” Toni said. “This recognition further validates the importance of feminist perspectives within the humanities and social sciences, at a time we are increasingly seeing a backlash within and outside the academy. Yet, this work is essential to addressing some of the most pressing challenges of our time, and I am grateful to the colleagues and collaborators who have supported my work over the years.”

Our final new Fellow is Professor Sophie Woodward, a distinguished sociologist who carries out research into material culture, consumption and everyday life. Sophie is the author of several books including Why Women Wear What They Wear (2007), Blue Jeans: The Art of the Ordinary (2012), Birth and Death: experience, ethics and politics (2020) and Material Methods: ����Ӱ��ing and Thinking with Things (2019) who co-directs the , as well as serving as Vice-Director of the National Centre for ����Ӱ�� Methods (NCRM). She is also one of the founding editors of the new Journal of Creative ����Ӱ�� methods. 

“I am delighted to be made a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences - it is wonderful to receive recognition like this,” said Sophie. “I look forward to working with other fellows at a time when the world needs social science methods, perspectives and critiques more than ever. I look forward to continuing to develop critical engagements with methods and the data they can generate and my research into everyday lives.”

“I’m delighted to welcome these outstanding social scientists to the Academy’s Fellowship, whose research and practice are helping to develop solutions to pressing societal issues,” said Will Hutton, President of the Academy. “We look forward to working with them to further promote the vital role the social sciences play in all areas of our lives.”

The most recent statistics show that violence against women and girls affects one in 12 women in . A quarter of domestic abuse incidents reported to police involve known, repeat perpetrators. But despite being to identify and control the most serious perpetrators, police do not currently have systems good enough to do that.

Currently, police forces use an algorithm to determine which offenders pose the greatest risk to women and girls. This is known as the – perpetrators are propelled up or down a list based on the recency, frequency, gravity (seriousness) of reported incidents, and the vulnerability of the victim.

The gap in this approach is that it largely treats incidents as isolated, when they should be looked at as a whole. ����Ӱ�� has also found it is used between forces.

Most police perpetrator lists contain hundreds or even thousands of people, making them difficult tools to use. They also do not seem to be able to distinguish who the most serious offenders are, with men with very similar profiles near the top, middle and bottom of the lists.

We propose an , which would assess the whole of a perpetrator’s record of incidents. This would allow police to identify not only the most dangerous perpetrators, but also opportunities to better address their offending earlier on. This might be with diversion to programmes designed to support better choices and rehabilitation, or arrest and incarceration to prevent them harming other people.

By joining together incidents recorded by police for individual perpetrators, we constructed detailed case studies using police officer’s notes. Here is a summary of two people who appear in one force’s perpetrator list.

1. Male born mid 1980s, involved in 340 incidents over 20 years

His offending begins with an indecent assault on a young teenage girl when he is 19. He is increasingly involved in drug-related offending in his 20s. He is later sentenced to six years in jail for arson endangering life. Released on conditional licence, he is re-convicted of the harassment of his ex-partner and recalled to prison.

Release is followed by further offences until the mid-2010s when he is imprisoned again. When released, his offending is erratic (low-level public order, violence, threats, drug-related offending).

Throughout his 30s, he frequently victimises partners and ex-partners. He has no settled address and is homeless at various points of his life. He is still subject to frequent mental health episodes.

2. Male born early 1980s, involved in 396 incidents over 25 years

In his teens he was involved in low-level thefts, criminal damage and breaches of an antisocial behaviour order. He was also suspected of selling drugs to schoolchildren, and imprisoned, aged 18, for drug-related violence.

In his 20s he “associates with” children and is found with a missing vulnerable schoolgirl hiding in his house. He continues to commit offences of criminal damage, drug dealing, and stealing vehicles. Another missing teenage girl is found to be living with him.

In his early 20s he very violently assaults and harasses much younger partners. He continues to commit public order offences and to threaten, harass, and assault current and ex-partners, kicking his pregnant partner in the stomach.

In the early 2020s, police attend his ex-partner’s house following abandoned 999 calls – they find him with his hand over her mouth to stop her calling out to the police. He continues to be violent to ex-partners and his involvement in drug-related offending deepens. He is currently in prison for a violent offence.

Who is the danger?

Both men pose a real and severe threat of violence to women and girls as well as the public. But the RFGV algorithm places the first man more than a thousand places higher than the second. Clearly treating the offences they commit in isolation is not sufficient to distinguish which man poses the greatest risk.

A life-course approach, which takes into account the type and pattern of offending as it develops over time, is less susceptible to fluctuations which move an offender rapidly up or down the priority lists. Therefore, it more reliably reflects who poses the greatest risk.

A better ranking system is clearly required. The RFGV algorithm provides a “score”, but a more sophisticated system would also evaluate the direction of offending of individuals – is it escalating, more frequent, more serious?

A life-course approach could be used separately or together with RFGV to allow police analysts to identify the most serious perpetrators. It may also be possible to use artificial intelligence to identify trends in offending and escalation of risk through analysis of thousands of police incident reports in real time.

The system could then identify opportunities for which have been shown to be effective in reducing re-offending against current and future victims. It could also automatically trigger warnings to neighbourhood officers, specialist domestic abuse-trained officers, mental health services and so on.

We won’t really know the full capability until new systems are tried, and evaluated. This also means including the voices of survivors and focusing on the lives of persistent perpetrators – often substance use, homelessness, estrangement, imprisonment and mental health problems are at play. The possibilities of learning from artificial intelligence or other technology should not be privileged over the very sources of the data such intelligence relies upon: victims’ experiences.

, Professor of Criminology, and , Professor of Social Justice,  
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Professor Carter’s remarks reinforced the essential role that data plays in driving social change. The Pankhurst-Fawcett Scorecard has been a crucial tool for measuring progress across key sectors, identifying both victories and areas where further action is needed. This year’s findings provided insights into persistent gender disparities while also highlighting positive strides towards equality.

The event featured dynamic discussions, including a keynote address from Professor Helen Pankhurst - a direct descendant of Emmeline and Sylvia Pankhurst - who echoed Professor Carter’s message, stating: “Turning data into action is our greatest challenge and opportunity.”

As the event concluded, GM4Women2028 reaffirmed its commitment to pushing for systemic change. The next Dialogue and Action Event will take place in Bolton on Saturday, July 5, providing another opportunity for communities, policymakers and activists to collaborate and plan actionable solutions.

“Ukrainians will not react well to attempts to undermine their views and preferences and will rally behind their leaders," Olga added. "Opposition forces will also find a way to come together and show unity - everyone in Ukraine understands what is as stake - it is an existential matter. Ukrainians have been fighting to protect their independence for years, and they will not give up now.”

“By inventing low approval ratings, Trump is preparing the ground for a call for quick elections in Ukraine - in line with Putin‘s references to Zelensky as an illegitimate president and negotiation partner,” said Gwendolyn Sasse. “Our findings show that for Ukrainians, holding elections now is not a preferred priority.”

“When the war ends, we can expect normal political competition to reemerge if Ukraine remains free,” added Henry Hale. “But with the Russian threat still looming large, Ukrainians continue to rally strongly around their leader.”

As Ukraine continues to resist Russian aggression and misinformation campaigns, the researchers say these must be called out and rejected. Their findings demonstrate that Ukraine still stands with Zelensky, and they say that efforts to delegitimise him only serve the interests of Vladimir Putin.

Beyond medicine and science, this research has real-world implications for everyday people. If synDNA is widely adopted, it could lead to groundbreaking medical treatments and innovations, such as designing genes to combat hereditary diseases. 

However, it also raises concerns about genetic privacy, ownership, and potential misuse. Could individuals’ genetic information be recreated without their permission? How might this affect legal rights or personal identity?

The researchers emphasise the need for governments, policymakers and scientists to collaborate on ethical guidelines to ensure responsible development and use of synDNA. By addressing these issues now, society can prepare for the transformative impact this technology may have on healthcare, reproduction and human identity itself.

The study was funded by the Víctor Grífols i Lucas Foundation.

The 2024 general election was the first in the UK’s history to be run under a system of voter ID. When heading to the polling station, people could only vote if they proved their identity first. This was the result of a law brought in in 2023 and that had already applied to local elections in England that year.

Using data from the , we tracked people eligible to vote between 2023 and 2024 and that 5% of people eligible to vote – nearly 2 million people – didn’t own any recognised voter identification. This lack of ID was concentrated among poorer and less educated voters.

Of course, lacking photographic ID is not necessarily a permanent state. Some people will have been in the process of renewing passports and driving licences during this period. All of these people would also have been eligible for a voter authority certificate, a form of identification brought in with the new law – although we found take up of these was low.

We found that around 0.5% of all voters reported being turned away at polling stations as a result of lacking ID in the local elections of 2023. We also found that four times as many people (around 2%) reported not voting because they knew they didn’t have the right ID.

The equivalent figures were slightly lower at the general election of 2024, but a meaningful contingent still did not participate. Around 1.3% of electors – or over half a million people – were turned away or didn’t show up at all because of voter identification requirements.

While administrative records can provide accurate numbers about how many people were turned away at the polling station, they tell us little about people who were discouraged from even trying to vote because they didn’t have the right ID. So it is clear from our analysis that the impact of voter ID on turnout is likely larger than previous estimates based on polling station returns.

Who benefits?

We also found that the Conservatives were more likely to benefit from the voter ID law than other parties.

This is not surprising when we consider demographic factors. , Conservative voters are more likely to own ID, because they are more likely to be older and more affluent. Despite changes in social patterns of party support since the 2016 Brexit referendum, this pattern still holds true.

The types of identification which are allowed under the new law – and especially the decision to allow older people but not younger people to use travel passes – exacerbates these differences.

Who didn’t have ID? 

The chart above shows the percentage lacking photo ID by general election vote intention, as measured in May 2023 (lighter bars) and May 2024 (shaded bars), shortly before the general election was called.

In 2024, only 2.4% of Conservative supporters were likely to not have photo ID, while 3.8% of Labour supporters and 4.1% of Reform supporters were lacking.

One notable difference is an increase in Liberal Democrats and non-voters with no photo identification in 2024, although this is almost entirely due to a change in the number of people supporting the Liberal Democrats or deciding not to vote rather than changes in people’s actual ownership of ID.

Liberal Democrat voters had the lowest proportion of supporters without voter ID in 2023 (1.3%), but in 2024, the Liberal Democrat rate exceeded that of the Conservatives (2.9%).

There are still opportunities to posed by voter ID. Ahead of the next election the new government should extend the forms of identification allowed (especially for those younger than state pension age).

Improving public awareness around the law and the availability of voter authority certificates is another important step. There are also suggestions that a system of who don’t have voter ID would be an option.

In an electorate of 49 million, if almost two million aren’t able to vote because they don’t have the right ID, there is a problem. Those interested in building trust in our democracy should consider not only minimising electoral fraud but reducing this number by as much as possible.

, Leverhulme Early Career Fellow in Politics, and , Professor of Social and Political Science, and Principal Investigator of the British Election ����Ӱ��,

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“This lecture series honours him and marks a deepening relationship between our University and leading human rights barristers’ chambers Garden Court North,” said Professor Eithne Quinn. “David delivering the first lecture highlights his decades of investigations and reporting on the Hillsborough families' justice campaign. This event will expose the urgent need for the landmark ‘Hillsborough Law’ and raise vital questions about legal reform.”

“Mark was many things – a radical barrister, formidable advocate, opponent of the death penalty, lifelong socialist, student of Anglo-Saxon, Norse and Celtic Studies at Cambridge, and Chelsea FC supporter – but above all, a man of integrity, kindness, and wisdom," said Pete Weatherby KC from Garden Court Chambers. ”He combined humanity with fierce intellectual commitment. Whether defending protesters or representing Hillsborough families, Mark gave everything to his clients."

“Mark is a much-missed friend and colleague, and I am glad that a lecture being held in his memory will highlight the importance of the Hillsborough Law - if was in place in 1989, the truth could not have been concealed. Those hiding it would have known they’d be found out and prosecuted. This sophisticated bill has a clear purpose and should be urgently introduced.”

The event will take place at The University of Manchester’s Alliance Manchester Business School, followed by a drinks reception and buffet open to all attendees. To register for a free ticket, .

“Our findings may also reflect Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s recent public efforts to woo and flatter Trump as he takes the helm of Ukraine’s most powerful ally,” added Henry Hale of George Washington University. 

Donald Trump has sparked controversy in the West with statements suggesting the US might scale back military support for Ukraine and focus on negotiating a peace deal, even if this compromises Ukraine’s territorial integrity. These remarks have raised alarms in Kyiv and among NATO allies, as they potentially undermine Ukraine’s ability to resist Russian aggression.

The study reveals that territorial integrity remains a non-negotiable priority for Ukrainians, with 57% agreeing that “any peace agreement that does not restore the full territorial integrity of Ukraine is doomed to failure.” Despite Trump’s claims of being a skilled negotiator, scepticism persists about whether his administration could achieve a deal acceptable to Ukraine and its Western allies.

The research underscores the delicate balance required to maintain Western unity in supporting Ukraine. As NATO and the EU closely monitor Trump’s rhetoric, Ukraine remains steadfast in its demand for a peace deal that ensures sovereignty and territorial integrity.

“The Ukrainian public’s cautious optimism reflects a mix of hope and pragmatism,” Professor Onuch added. “As Trump and his new administration navigate these complex dynamics, the stakes for Ukraine and the West couldn’t be higher.”

That’s according to a new peer-reviewed paper which is the latest to raise concerns about the competition’s Owners' and Directors' Test – colloquially known as the ‘Fit and Proper’ test – saying “complex and opaque structures permit the misuse of EPL club ownership for the channelling of illicit finances”.

Criminology experts from The University of Manchester, who led the study, say their findings demonstrate “conditions which are known to be associated with the use of organisational structures for illicit activities in the ownership structures of many EPL clubs”.

Such conditions include the “widespread use of various legal entities and traditional ‘secrecy’ jurisdictions” that can hide who owners and investors are, as well as the presence of unnecessarily complex arrangements, and an absence of information on who all the owners actually are.

They state the current Owners’ and Directors’ Test does not do enough to prevent potential new owners and investors from withholding the source of their funds, “which could be from illicit activities”.

The test, they state, also does not prevent investors from concealing “the nature of particular transactions, which could involve violations”, nor obscuring the “actual investors or owners of clubs, who may be unscrupulous actors looking to conceal their illicit funds or intentions”.

Reporting in the journal , co-author Nicholas Lord, a Professor of Criminology at Manchester’s School of Social Sciences, says these enabling conditions require further “scrutiny by responsible regulators”.

“The obscuring of transparency around the ownership chains and networks presents significant obstacles to regulators seeking to assess the suitability of individuals and owners for football club ownership.

“The conditions of EPL (English Premier League) ownership structures in itself does not imply anything inappropriate is taking place, but these conditions make it possible for some people, who may be motivated to do so, to use ownership structures to obscure key information.

“The conditions we found are known to be associated with the use of organisational structures for illicit activities, such as money laundering, and are reflected in the ownership structures of many EPL clubs.”

Co-author Dr Pete Duncan, who recently completed his PhD in the Department of Criminology, adds: “12 of the 20 clubs have at least 10% of their holdings, which – due to secrecy provisions – cannot be formally traced back to their beneficial owners. 

The experts launched their study “motivated by recent concerns regarding links between football and illicit finance”.

They searched the academic literature to identify conditions regularly observed in cases of money laundering and illicit financial management. They then collected and analysed data from the ORBIS portal (a database of over 489 million companies from 170 sources) and the 2023/24 EPL Handbook to qualitatively determine whether club ownership structures “shared common conditions with structures which enable the management of illicit finance”. The aim was to examine whether conditions that are often present in cases of illicit financial flows could also generate “the potential for illicit financial management through EPL clubs”.

They also assessed the ownership structures of each club, noting down the number of corporate or other non-natural person entities in each club ownership chain; the incorporation of holding companies in non-UK jurisdictions; the number and types of different legal entities composing each club’s organisational structure; and whether over 90% of holdings in each club could be attributed to natural persons. They then extracted the ‘secrecy score’ measure of the 2022 Financial Secrecy Index for each related jurisdiction used from the Tax Justice Network’s (2022) webpage.

Findings demonstrate that Manchester United had the greatest number of legal entities in its ownership chain (13), followed by Crystal Palace and Manchester City (both 11).

Also, the experts found 14 clubs have at least one corporate entity in the structure incorporated overseas (including in Jersey). When considered proportionally, Bournemouth, Wolves and Liverpool are the clubs with the greatest proportions of their ownership structures made up of overseas-based corporate or other legal entities – where most score relatively highly on the TJN’s ‘secrecy score’ scale.

“Whilst it might be understandable for an overseas beneficial owner to own an EPL club via a holding company incorporated in the overseas jurisdiction they reside in, the combined use of multiple secrecy jurisdictions and opaque entity types that ultimately result in the obscuring of true beneficial ownership is concerning,” adds Dr Duncan, whose PhD examined the nature, organisation, and regulation of variably illicit tax minimisation in UK professional football.

“The use of these varied ownership mechanisms and structures makes it challenging to differentiate between sources of legal or illegal finances and wealth, whilst the creation of complex arrangements that are inherently legal and commercially plausible offers great scope to co-mingle both legal and illegal activities.

“It is these structures that should be scrutinised most closely by regulators and other stakeholders.”

Professor Lord concludes: “What is certain is that such complicated ownership structures are not strictly necessary to run a successful EPL club.

“Many structures do not simply extend beyond what is strictly necessary in a single dimension, but in fact combine multiple enabling conditions in the construction of seemingly anomalous structures”.

Whilst such structures and arrangements can be used for good reason in business, what should be a concern for football stakeholders and law enforcement, is that the seemingly unnecessarily complex and opaque structures identified in this research could permit the misuse of EPL club ownership for the channelling of illicit finances.

“Any exposure to illicit financial flows could seriously jeopardise the futures of clubs, which would have serious negative consequences for those most attached to these very important institutions.

“Furthermore, opaque ownership structures make it difficult for football regulators to ensure that regulations regarding multi-club ownership are being complied with.”

Dr Duncan and Professor Lord recommend that future regulation involves mapping the structures of teams to identify conditions that are susceptible to misuse.

They also suggest further research on the topic, such as to analyse in what ways football club ownership structures have been misused for illicit financial flows, and how these behaviours are organised.

One limitation of their paper is that extracted ownership data originated from varying financial years, meaning some were not ‘live’.

“Gary Younge’s ability to probe complex issues with humanity, depth and wit is unparalleled,” said Professor Claire Alexander, Head of the School of Social Sciences at The University of Manchester. “We are thrilled to see his remarkable contributions to journalism recognised on this global stage.”

Professor Younge will be formally presented with the award at a ceremony in New York City later this year. 

The Horizon scandal, which led to the wrongful prosecution of hundreds of subpostmasters, has severely dented the public’s perception of the Post Office as an institution. Against this backdrop, across the Post Office network.

These further cuts to a system already struggling can only do further harm to the sense that well-resourced public services could and should play a central role in everyday life.

In my , I spoke to people about their thoughts on the Post Office and their ideas about the future of society more generally. One interviewee relished their trips to Manchester’s now-closed crown post office at Spring Gardens and described it, with only a little irony, as “the cathedral of post”.

They loved the way it revealed something of the workings of a larger, complex and world-spanning system of communication. They also liked to daydream about how it would be to live in a society oriented towards a more community-focused, village-like way of life.

My work looks at these speculative dimensions of social life – the way hopes, dreams and desires for other ways of living are expressed by people now. These speculative dimensions have a political significance – they tell us something about the forms of social organisation people yearn for, and what frustrates them about our current way of living. Understanding how public infrastructures influence these frustrations and desires is a key focus of my research.

The infrastructures which facilitate social life also send signals to us about how society is organised, what’s valued and powerful within it, and what seems likely to be valued in the future. They help structure our ideas about what society is and what it could be like.

In the case of the Post Office, the Horizon scandal demonstrates how the consequences can be severe and dystopian when something malfunctions within a key institution of this kind.

Historically, the Post Office played a key role in developing infrastructures of modern life that came to be cherished. Key among these, as historian has noted, is routine engagement with paid officials of the state, through Post Office staff and postal delivery workers, or “posties”.

Speaking to Post Office workers and posties has long been among the most positively regarded interactions that an ordinary person routinely has with state infrastructures. Local post offices and posties have represented valued senses of local knowledge, community overwatch and benevolent officialdom.

Crown post offices (the larger branches in the network), often inhabiting a significant spot in a town or city centre, have done their bit too, contributing a sense of civic importance to a place, alongside libraries and town halls. They have provided access to a professional, knowledgeable human interface between a complex system of multiple state services, and those who rely on them.

But our positive engagements with this state system have been placed under decades of increasing strain. Privatisation has flowed from a creeping rejection of the idea that publicly owned public services could ever function beautifully. This, in turn, has left the services we need on a daily basis under-resourced.

The condition of crown post offices has reflected this. Their interiors often emanate a stark sense of minimal upkeep and only grudging repair. Already, many crown post offices have been closed. Where their services have not fully disappeared, they have been precariously relegated to space in retailers such as WH Smiths.

Meanwhile, the way we communicate, shop and socialise has been altering dramatically. Digital communication technology is impressing itself ever further into our social lives. Technology has deeply embedded associations with the future, but with this also comes a sense of unavoidability. The way AI is spoken about, as something set to bring inevitable and consequential transformations of our lives – whether we like it or not – is a case in point.

Both of these things – the neglect of physical places where we interact with state services and the increasing technologisation of social life – contribute to a growing sense of anachronism about places like the post office. The idea that a public service might attend to the public good in a well-appointed, pleasant, urban public setting feels, for no good reason, like a relic of the past.

All this affects the ways we imagine social futures. It brings a false air of inevitability to the loss of things people still need and care deeply about.

When talking with users of post offices for my research, there was a simultaneous sense among them that posties and post offices contributed vital resources to everyday life, and that technology meant these things were not likely to survive much further into the future. This was often regarded as something to be accepted, even as it was acknowledged that what was going to be lost was something important and irreplaceable.

But such losses are not inevitable. They are a political choice built on two key failures – failure to challenge the idea that well-funded, publicly owned and run public services are unaffordable, and failure to envisage ways of organising public services in the digital age, such that they retain the vital material contributions they make to places.

Further losses to the crown post office network would represent a sad and, I believe, unnecessary extension of these failures.

, ����Ӱ�� Assistant, School of Social Sciences,
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“The appointment of the first Professor of Comparative and Ukrainian Politics is long overdue in the English speaking world and is a major milestone, not only for the Ukrainian community in the UK but also globally,” said Anna Dezyk MBE, Deputy Chair of the Association of Ukrainians in Great Britain (AUGB). “Professor Onuch's enthusiasm and extensive expertise in this area provides a fantastic platform for the study of Ukrainian Politics to finally move out of the shadows and take its rightful place in academia.”

“The University of Manchester’s creation of this post could not have come at a more relevant time, and the appointment of Professor Olga Onuch could not be more appropriate and richly deserved,” said Leigh Gibson OBE, Ukraine Director for the British Council. “We look forward to continuing our collaboration with Olga and her department to understand more about the role young people have played in the development of Ukraine as a democratic nation, and the critical contribution they will make to recovery and rebuilding in the future.”

"It has never been more important for Ukraine to be genuinely understood and appreciated internationally," said Volodymyr Sheiko, Director General of the Ukrainian Institute. "Much of the knowledge about Ukraine, its history, politics, and culture emerges from leading academic institutions to inform public policies, curricula, and public opinion. Academic excellence makes our societies better informed and more resilient. The appointment of Olga Onuch as the first Professor of Ukrainian Politics in the English-speaking world is a crucial milestone to achieve this. I am confident that Olga’s profound experience and expertise will set a high standard for others to follow.”

“This important report demonstrates that the very low number of Black and minority ethnic judges poses an acute challenge to the credibility and legitimacy of the judiciary,” said Stephanie Needleman from . “It is only by creating a critical mass of diverse judges that we can ensure that our judiciary is reflective of society and begin to combat the racism witnessed by survey respondents.”  

“We welcome, and are grateful to have been consulted on, this hard-hitting report,” said former Judge Claire Gilham from the “My whistleblowing about racism was dismissed as me not understanding judicial culture, having come from the wrong background. There is no internal data keeping for equality complaints, which makes it very difficult for the judiciary to provide any evidence to deny the findings of this report. A severe shake-up of the system is needed.”  

“Even after 25 years as a Trade Union Official, I am shocked at the practices employed in the appointment and promotion of judges,” said Stuart Fegan from GMB. “The Judiciary is funded with public money, and the practices identified would simply not be tolerated anywhere else in the public sector. I am delighted that Labour have committed to review appointment and promotion procedures if they win the next election in order to ensure that judges are reflective of the public they serve.”